Landless dalits and adivasis have occupied parts of a corporate rubber plantation at Chengara in Kerala for five years. Despite being pressurised in various ways, they have held out, sticking to their demand of land for them to pursue livelihoods. None of the agreements so far reached with the state government has been satisfactorily implemented. Yet, the issues raised by the Chengara struggle have a social and economic significance that no government can afford to ignore.

“Not a single coal block has been allotted without the consent of the state government. Not only this, the committee through which the coal blocks are allocated has a chief secretary-level officer from the state concerned as its member.”

“Doubts have been raised by certain quarters regarding allocation of coal blocks to private companies for captive use. The blocks were allocated on the basis of recommendation of the screening committee which had acted in an unbiased and transparent manner,” he said.

Government officials and functionaries still shudder at the name of Fatehpura taluka in Dahod, a tribal district in Gujarat. In August 2010, India’s first union of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) workers, called the Rashtriya Rojgar Khatri Kamdaronu Kayda Union (RRKKKU), had exposed a massive scam in which Rs 4.18 crores of NREGA money had been siphoned.

An assessment of the Maruti Suzuki Employees Union’s struggles against the Suzuki management in Manesar (Gurgaon) reveals that like central trade unions, plant unions also tend to reproduce a form of bureaucratic functioning. This results in a split between leaders and the rank and file – a tendency which often leads to the betrayal of the interests of the struggling workers.

Kerala government is in a fix with the National Human Rights Commission issuing notice to the State government for non-payment of adequate compensation to victims of pesticide endosulfan in Kasarag

Examining the Marathi translation of The Communist Manifesto published in 1931 and situating it in the socio-historical context of workers’ movements in Mumbai in the 1920s and 1930s, this paper argues that the so-called subordinated classes engaged with it and created a workers’ public that was in conversation with the elite public sphere. But it holds that the vernacular version had to navigate the structures of language and a social structure in which caste was an important feature to make itself comprehensible to other intellectuals, trade union leaders and workers.

The manner in which rights at work have been identified and articulated within both the International Labour Organisation and India since the founding of the agency in 1919, bears a close similarity.

The registrar of trade unions in Rajasthan has refused permission to National Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGA) workers to form a union, on the grounds that they do not qualify as workmen.

When the Majdoor Kisan Sangharsh Samiti

While there is a clear policy shift towards large-scale industrialisation in the state of West Bengal (WB) during the early 1990s, not much improvement can be discerned in the

Overwhelming evidence shows that hazardous work, working conditions, and environment fail to maintain homeostasis results in death or severe disability. Up to the 1980s, governments did not pay major attention to occupational health in developing countries, including India. The Bhopal Gas Tragedy, in 1984, was the turning point in the history of health and safety in India.

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